Nirvana-like plan for national security

“A free, resilient, peaceful and prosperous archipelagic and maritime nation, at peace with itself and its neighbors, enabled and protected by reliable defense and public safety systems…

“(A)llows the citizens to reach their full potentials through equitable and quality education, social cohesion and harmony, sound environmental management, internal peace and political stability, cooperation and economic progress through technological development, innovation and sustainable use of resources…

“Provides for prosperity where inclusivity thrives and a level playing field exists… [and]

“Characterized by its independence, recognition and respect by members of the international community and contribution in promoting regional peace and security.”

These nirvana-like conditions are denoted as elements of the “national security vision” for the Philippines by 2040, under the current administration’s National Security Policy (NSP). On Aug. 12, Marcos Jr. issued Executive Order 37 effectively adopting “NSP 2023-2028,” a 49-page document.

Marcos Jr. refers to the NSP, first, as a “coherent and comprehensive plan that will effectively address emerging threats to our security and fulfill our long-term development goals;” second, as a “trustworthy assessment of the current and future threats and opportunities facing our nation, [which] provides structured guidelines on how we can achieve our goals…”

Crafted by the National Security Council (chaired by the President, with National Security Adviser Eduardo Año as its executive director), the NSP identifies seven national security interests or goals. These are: national sovereignty and territorial integrity; political stability, peace and public safety; economic strength and solidarity; ecological balance and climate change resiliency; national identity, harmony and culture of excellence; cyber, information and cognitive security; and regional and international peace and solidarity.

Let’s take a look at one of the goals – political stability, peace and public safety.

Presuming that human security and economic development can only prosper in a peaceful and safe environment, the NSP urges: “The Philippines must deal with violent threats from criminality, armed conflicts, illegal drugs and terrorism with the full force of the law and in strict observance of civil and human rights and the international humanitarian law (IHL).”

Focusing on the ongoing more-than-half-a-century armed conflict, the document avers:

“Addressing the ideological, socio-economic and political causes of the communist insurgency is a vital part of the solution and must be sustained,” stressing that the country “must heal the many rifts that divide the nation and achieve peace and harmony among all Filipinos, regardless of religion, creed, ethnicity or social status.”

Furthermore: “The peace process will always be preferred over war.”

But how the NSP views the peace process in “addressing the ideological, socio-economic and political causes” of the armed conflict – generally acknowledged as historical injustices, oppression and exploitation of the majority poor by the few rich and powerful and peasant landlessness, among other inequities – is a huge let-down. Why?

The peace process was reduced here to what the plan calls “local peace engagements” that in practice is inducement to surrender, and “transformation programs such as basic education, livelihood, financial literacy, cooperativism and healing and reconciliation for former rebels, their families and communities.” This counterinsurgency scheme, dubbed as E-CLIP (Enhanced Comprehensive Local Integration Program), has been carried over from the Duterte administration.

Worse, the NSP proposes to “institutionalize” the E-CLIP as part of the Marcos Jr. administration’s efforts purportedly to strengthen what it called the “threat assessment and response protocol of national and local agencies.”

(Remember that Duterte resumed the long-suspended GRP-NDF peace negotiations in August 2016. Then in November 2017, he arbitrarily “terminated” them even as the panels reached consensus over a draft comprehensive agreement on social and economic reforms. He created the NTF-ELCAC in 2018 and, before ending his term in June 2022, had caused the designation of the CPP-NPA and the NDF as “terrorist organizations.”)

However, as regards the peace agreements signed by previous administrations with what it calls the “CTG [communist terrorist group]-splinter groups (e.g. RPMP-RPA-ABB and CPLA),” the NSP says these agreements “shall be relentlessly pursued until completion … including addressing the roots of the armed conflict through a comprehensive and inclusive normalization program and promoting initiatives that foster healing, reconciliation and unity.”

On public safety, peace and justice, the NSP urges the government to do the following:

• “Strengthen the whole-of-nation approach in attaining inclusive and sustainable peace, particularly in crafting the sustainability roadmap that will mainstream peace and development in both national and local development processes.”

• “Vigorously support” the efforts of the NTF-ELCAC, the Regional Peace and Order Councils, National Enforcement Coordinating Committee, the Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council (?), the National Action Plan on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism and the National Counter Terrorism Strategy to further weaken and defeat the local terrorist groups, curtail the continuous propagation of violent extremism narratives – and “achieve strategic victory over the CPP-NPA-NDF within the current administration.”

• Strengthen the national effort and those of local communities to “ensure that peace gains are sustained through more focused development interventions in all cleared barangays and communities.” These include improving access to education, health care and social protection programs especially for vulnerable groups such as women, children, indigenous peoples and the poor.

• “Strengthen its action against the legal fronts of the CPP-NPA-NDF to stop recruitment, cut financial sources and debunk their propaganda.”

• Strengthen the capabilities of law enforcers and enhance intelligence sharing and cooperation, both domestic and with other countries in the region.

• “Develop a comprehensive strategy in addressing terrorism, insurgency and criminality involving trans-regional boundaries.”

• Cultivate empathy and pro-social behavior among the citizenry and “develop them to become active agents and advocates for national security.”

About the Marcos Jr. administration’s aspirations in the regional and international arena, the NSP cites the following:

• “Optimize its engagements, cultivate new ties, seek comprehensive and strategic partnerships with other countries and strengthen partnerships with its allies” and

• “Continue to utilize ‘soft power’ [ability to co-opt rather than coerce] assets in extending its influence across continents, as it aspires to become a Middle Power in a multi-polar world.”