Will Maoism try to become a global ideology again?
It has become well known by now that Xi Jinping wants to be the next Mao Zedong in China’s history. This would mean the revival of Maoism. It is therefore crucial for us to understand exactly what is Maoism and to appreciate its history.
Maoism is one of the most powerful political ideologies that has reshaped society and influenced global affairs. One of the books that I highly recommend for those wanting to understand this ideology is “Maoism: A Global History” by the historian Julia Lovell, published in 2019 by Alfred A. Knopf.
It is the story of Maoism not just as a Chinese political doctrine but as a global phenomenon that inspired revolutionary movements, political struggles and social transformation across the world. In the book’s blurb, it says, “This revelatory work of world history offers a new understanding of the 20th and 21st century. For decades, the West has dismissed Maoism as a local phenomenon that dissipated with the death of Mao. This book re-centers China in the global history of the past 80 years.”
The book does not just focus on Mao Zedong and the history of China. It also tells the story of how Maoist ideas traveled beyond China and were adopted by diverse groups in Asia, Africa, Europe and Latin America.
Maoism therefore should not be understood solely as a Chinese ideology. Maoism became a global force because it offered an appealing revolutionary model for groups fighting against imperialism, inequality and political oppression. Maoism also highlighted the revolutionary potential of peasants and rural populations. This approach became very popular in developing countries where the majority of the population live in rural areas. This is different from the original Marxist ideology which emphasized industrial workers as the primary agent of revolution.
We should remember that in the Philippines, this ideology led by the New People’s Army started in the rural areas. Up to now, the few remaining revolutionary groups are still primarily in far-flung provinces.
The book explains how the original Marxist-Leninist principles were adapted to Chinese conditions and emphasized guerrilla warfare, mass mobilization and peasant participation. These innovations contributed to the success of the Chinese Communist Revolution in 1949. These are the same principles that our present revolutionary groups are still using.
The global impact of this book is its scope because it goes beyond China and examines how Maoism influenced revolutionary movements such as those in Vietnam, Cambodia, Peru, Nepal, India and several African nations.
A very interesting statement in the book reads: “It argues that the domino theory did have some purchase on reality: that Mao and his lieutenants did want to spread their blueprint for revolution to Southeast Asia and beyond. Almost every country in the region – Vietnam, Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia and Burma – had strong capable communist movements influenced and, for the most part, materially supported by Mao’s China after 1949.”
The book demonstrates that Maoist ideology was often adapted to local circumstances, rather than copied directly from China. This explains that the flexibility of Maoism as an ideology appealed to diverse revolutionary movements.
The book, however, acknowledged that China’s support for different revolutionary organizations expanded Maoism’s international reach. Therefore, it recognizes that China’s foreign policy was the result not only of an ideological commitment but also of its strategic interests.
An interesting part of the book is the story of journalist Edgar Snow who wrote “Red Star Over China.” The author writes: “Edgar Snow is the first main character in this global history of Maoism because without him, both a domestic and an international cult of Mao would be hard to imagine.” Snow’s book was widely read by future leaders of the Malayan Communist Party and became a handbook for guerrilla movements in Russia, in the Philippines and in India.
Lovell also examines Maoist influence in Western societies. During the 1960s and 1970s, Maoist ideas attracted students, intellectuals and activists in Europe and North America. Many viewed Maoism as an alternative to Western capitalism and Soviet socialism. Mao’s image became associated with rebellion, radicalism and social transformation.
An interesting insight in the book is that Lovell notes that many Western supporters of Maoism had actually only a limited understanding of the realities of life in Maoist China.
The book also writes about certain violent revolutionary movements. It examines how extreme organizations such as Peru’s Shining Path and Nepal’s Maoist Insurgency show how Maoist principles were employed in armed struggles against established governments. These case studies reveal the appeal and dangers of revolutionary ideology. While some movements sought social justice and political reform, others became associated with violence, repression and human suffering. Unfortunately, Lovell did not use the New People’s Army as one of the case studies.
Lovell writes that Maoism should be understood as a global historical phenomenon rather than simply a part of Chinese history. She writes: “Maoism became one of the 20th century’s most influential exports shaping revolutions, insurgencies and political imaginations far beyond China’s borders.”
If Xi Jinping really becomes another Mao Zedong, will he also try to make Maoism a global ideology?
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