Four VP rivals also got identical votes in Manila

Four vice presidential contenders also got identical votes in Manila in Election 2022. Same as what happened to five presidential bets in the capital city’s precincts.

Clean election advocates continue to expose the electronic manipulation of results to avert repeat in future balloting. Among them is former information communications technology secretary Eliseo Rio.

Rio’s team of info technologists, mathematicians and statisticians discovered the following (https://tinyurl.com/VP-Manila-Precincts):

• Sara Duterte got exactly 185 votes in each of 21 precincts. She got 233 votes in 18 other precincts. Also 194 votes in 18 more. Then 246 votes in 17, and 221 votes in another 17, and so on.

• Willie Ong got 84 votes in each of 34 precincts. Also 82 votes in 31 others, 74 votes in 31 more, 70 votes in another 31, and 66 votes in yet another 31, and so on.

• Kiko Pangilinan got 73 votes in each of 32 precincts. Also 74 votes in 31 others. Then 75 votes in 30 more, and 66 votes in another 30. And 76 votes in 29, and so on.

• Tito Sotto got 69 votes in each of 32 precincts, and 73 votes in another 32. Also 90 votes in 31, then 85 votes in 30, and 78 votes in 29, and so on.

“Statistically impossible,” Rio said. “Like with presidential results, it could only have been manipulated.” (See Gotcha, 1 May 2024)

Manila had 1,846 precincts in May 2022. Each precinct had 200 to 800 voters. A candidate could have gotten anywhere from 0 to 800 votes. “Yet there were too many identical votes in too many separate precincts,” Rio said.

Comelec’s Transparency Server received 98 percent or 1,817 precinct results from IP address 192.168.0.2. That internet protocol address is private, in breach of the 2008 Automated Election Systems Law.

Comelec can’t explain IP 192.168.0.2. Rio called it a “man-in-the-middle or fraudulent manipulator.”

“Other candidates’ votes were shaved and added to Duterte’s,” Rio posted on his Facebook page. “Graphing these tables, you will at once notice that the Bell Curve of Duterte is totally different from the other three. In a clean and honest election, all four should be the same.”

How was the irregularity done? Rio pointed up three things:

• “SD (secure digital) cards were pre-programmed in vote counting machines that transmitted via private IP address 192.168.0.2.

• “The printed precinct election returns that PPCRV counted naturally jibed with transmitted official ERs, but not with the actual count of the ballots filled up by the voters in these questionable precincts. (Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting was Comelec’s appointee for the Transparency Server.)

• “In the random manual audit monitored by Namfrel and Lente, no independent body ascertained that the integrity of ballots were never compromised en route to Manila from selected precincts in 17 regions.”

Smartmatic supplied 107,345 machines and the same number of SD cards. Under the AES Law, programming and installing of SD cards must be open to the public, especially info technologists.

But on pretext of pandemic restrictions, the Venezuelan firm programmed and installed SD cards behind closed doors in its Laguna warehouse weeks before Election Day.

Info technologist Nelson Celis questioned it during Comelec’s end-to-end demo of the AES, March 22, 2022. A poll watchdog leader had told him about being barred from Smartmatic’s premises.

Celis was then exposing poll anomalies in his Manila Times column. He regularly briefed this writer about his findings. On Aug. 15, 2022, new President Bongbong Marcos Jr. appointed him to the Comelec.

An electronic “tambiolo” was to pick the precinct ballot boxes to be brought to Manila for RMA or random manual audit. Celis told this writer in early May 2022 that info technologists had not reviewed the tambiolo’s source code, as the AES Law requires.

Ex-Comelec commissioner Gus Lagman was chairman of poll watchdog Namfrel that supervised the RMA. He told this writer then that Namfrel had no control over the transport of ballot boxes to Manila.

Namfrel couldn’t verify if the boxes were padlocked while in transit, Lagman said. Its role was to audit votes, not to prevent ballot tampering.

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