After Mamasapano: Giving Peace a Chance

In the wake of the recent Mamasapano tragedy, social and print media have been a-swirl with calls for justice, often interspersed with cries for vengeance and “all-out war.” Some of our more august legislators have even called for the suspension of hearings on the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), without much reflection on the long-term consequences of such actions. I wanted to get some clarity on these issues, and find someone who could help shed some light, in view of all the heat that’s recently been generated. This week, I turned to Secretary Teresita “Ging” Quintos-Deles, Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process, to ask her questions on the Mamasapano incident and the Mindanao peace process.

A critical question broached by both politicians and the non-Muslim majority is whether the MILF can actually control its forces.

“I know they are trying.” Sec. Ging replied. “They have not been hiding from us that there are difficulties. There are areas that have been through a long war that have big clashes even during peace talks. This is not the first time.” But she also stressed that, “What is noteworthy is that there have been no fights between the government and the MILF in the last three years. There are conflicts with other groups including BIFF, MNLF, and other armed groups in the area. But their fights are not about self-determination, but over land, harvest, and politics.”

The agency responsible for orchestrating the cease-fire while the BBL is being sorted out is the Coordinating Committee on the Cessation of Hostilities (CCCH). She points out that the terms regarding the respective responsibilities of the military and the police were “negotiated under the supervision of the panel,” which includes high-ranking officers of the AFP and PNP. It has been largely successful in its efforts of maintaining the peace, Sec. Ging observes. And it is the relative peace in the region that has, ironically, made the Mamasapano clash stand out in stark relief. To many, what happened there was a clear violation of the cease-fire agreement.

“There are mechanisms in place [for coordinating military and police action] that, in fact, have been working so well that I have not had to be consulted in the past three years.” Still, she adds, “People more competent in this knew the situation on the ground, knew the level of coordination that happened or did not happen. There are many narratives coming out about recent events. Categorically, I will say that CCCH was never informed. I myself am asking the hard questions. I think it’s clear that something went very wrong to have ended up with 44 killed. So I am waiting for the results of the investigations.”

I had to ask about Jemaah Islamiyah and why Marwan and Usman, the terrorists targeted by the SAF operation, were in the middle of an MILF camp.

Regarding Jemaah Islamiyah: “[They] came into these communities during a time of intensified war. They came in after the fight at Camp Abubakar [during Pres. Erap’s time] during that campaign of all-out war, when there was no peace process. [They inserted themselves into the community], got married and started to have families and children there. You will see in the ceasefire agreement that part of the MILF obligation is not to allow known terrorists into their communities. The MILF has disavowed terrorism.”

However, she also pointed out the difficulty in tracking known terrorists such as Marwan and Usman in the Mamasapano, given the size of the area involved (it is several times the size of Manila) and its complex topography. The area is conducive to eluding military surveillance and capture. “The whole area, if I understand it right, is basically an MILF stronghold, and then the BIFF separated, but they are all still living together there. There are also other armed elements in the area, including many fugitives from the law.”

The combination of a long history of oppression and displacement and a complex, layered landscape makes it easy for clan-based societies to organize resistance and elude attempts at capture. Such conditions dim any prospect of a military solution. This makes the peace process all the more imperative. “The peace process and the BBL are precisely for the protection of all Filipinos — Christians, Muslims and lumads,” Sec. Ging said. “If Muslim-Filipinos are convinced that the Christian majority were unwilling to give them their space, that’s when they look for more extremist alternatives. But if they can find within the system a place where they feel that their ways, their culture [is respected] and where they can have the same rights as the majority, then why would they want to break away? Why would they want to fight?”

What is then to be done about de-escalating armed conflict in the region?

“Certainly, it adds to the very challenging security situation in the area. The MILF have said, ‘Ok, we are making a commitment to decommission our weapons pero kung yung iba meron pa, kami naman ang sitting ducks dito.’ There is no question that the decommissioning of armed groups will be one of the hardest tasks ahead.” She pointed out that such a process, in fits and starts, is already under way. “The Normalization Annex under the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) is dense and complex. The challenge is to prove that this is the way to go and bring in those who do not trust the process and are still on the fringes.”

The process is supposed to work this way: “Decommissioning is to be done in phases. The MILF is already set to surrender 75 high-powered crew-served weapons. A list of the weapons to be turned over is already with the Independent Decommissioning Body. This will serve as a model. The intent, we feel, is there on the part of the MILF. However, decommissioning cannot happen overnight. As the Mamasapano incident shows, many challenges remain. But you cannot discount the three years when there were no clashes.”

Putting things in a nutshell, she added, “The MILF originally wanted independence while the national government wanted assimilation. The middle ground is autonomy.” Her portrayal of the MILF position: “We are part of the Philippines; we are Filipino citizens. So we are entitled to the same rights as the majority. However, this also means that we readily cede national defense, foreign policy, coinage, and immigration to the national government.” For this reason, she says, “The MILF cannot have a separate army. They cannot conduct their own foreign policy. They cannot have their own currency or their own postage stamps. We need to understand that autonomy is not independence. An autonomous state is still part of that state: it’s not a separate state.”

She recalls hearing the plea of an MILF representative during negotiations: “If you want us to be part of the Philippines, you have to give us a place where we can feel at home, where our language, our culture are safe… where the mosque will sound five times a day and where we will be given time to pray away from work and so that we will be able to have our long prayer on Friday noon.” Then she adds, “So this is what we need to recognize.”

What would happen if we didn’t continue with the peace process, particularly in this era of rising global conflict?

“Just look at the cost of war,” she answered. “If you give up on the peace process, then expect more Mamasapanos. You will not be able to build schools or hospitals. Children will grow up seeing the dominance of gun power. That will be their model. “

“Without the peace process, there will continue to be great instability, proving a hindrance to development. During the 2000 war, for example, over 100,000 persons were displaced — higher than the number during the Sarajevo war at that time. Where do you think the young people there will go? They will be driven to the marshland and the hills where it is easy to hide. They will even flee across the border, wanting to avenge their dead fathers and mothers.”

Becoming impassioned: “Don’t think that war can be contained in Maguindanao. You saw that after the war in 2000, a series of bombings occurred in Davao and Cagayan de Oro. It will be so easy to bring the war to Manila. We are at a crossroads. I hope we don’t choose to give up on the peace process and the BBL. Because if we give up now, the cost of a renewed war will be just unimaginable and unacceptable.

“The search for truth and accountability should not preclude the search for the long-term resolution and stable governance. The two must be pursued together. By all means, we should scrutinize the BBL. That is what we asked for from the very start. It is easy to misrepresent it if you are focused on just one provision rather than see the whole picture.”

Finally, Sec. Ging alludes to the opportunity structure that is the BBL: “I hope our people can prove to the world that we can arrive at a just solution to this conflict. The eyes of the world are upon us. We might even serve as a model for the conflicts in the Middle East. Resolving this conflict will mean people will be less drawn to extremism, which will serve as our ultimate protection. It will mean giving Filipino Muslims hope, that in fact it is still possible to gain full respect and recognition within a democratic Republic such as ours.”