Bishops weren't given fair hearing on PCSO

DOUBLE DEALING: Sweepstakes Chair Margie Juico, a devout Catholic, should not have allowed herself to be used in the administration’s campaign to demonize the Catholic Church and its bishops who refuse to support birth control legislation.

It was most unkind for the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office to pretend to be generous in donating money for the Church to buy utility vehicles for social work — and then using the donation to put bishops in bad light in the scandal-oriented media.

Individuals who value their reputation are put on notice not to accept money or aid from the PCSO. One never knows when the PCSO will disclose the donation in a twisted context to embarrass the recipient when he crosses the administration.

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PETTY CASH: There would not be any need for the Church and other non-government organizations to move in a big way in helping the poor if only the administration were already looking after their welfare.

Cebu Archbishop Ricardo Cardinal Vidal told the STAR: “Poor people always knock on our doors, and these vehicles are used for many purposes, for delivery of health and education services. We cannot close our doors to all those who seek our help.”

Actually, the money given by the PCSO to some dioceses for their social amelioration projects is petty cash compared to the billions being funneled to the President’s social and intelligence funds by the PCSO and other cash cows.

The bishops should have been warned that their accepting state funds may not sit well with government Big Shots who think they have an exclusive access to public funds.

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NOT LUXURIOUS: The PCSO donated money for luxury vans, but most bishops bought instead second-hand 4x4 heavy-duty vehicles that can reach depressed areas despite the bad roads neglected by the government. They used the balance to extend additional assistance.

Although the vehicles are used mainly by social workers of the Church, the money is listed in the PCSO books in the name of the concerned bishop.

Without explaining this detail, Ms Juico played along with the administration campaign to smear the bishops. She pretended to be only the bearer of information from the Commission on Audit.

Led on by the supporting cast in the Senate – and emboldened by the fire support of presidential spokespersons trying hard to sound like disinterested onlookers — Ms Juico succeeded in maligning the bishops.

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LEGISLATIVE LYNCHING: Now senators are luring the bishops to attend their tarring session and thereby worsen their PR problem by their unfamiliarity with the tricks of legislative lynching.

Instead of consenting to their own public hanging, the bishops should return to Ms Juico either the money or the vehicles – and then pray for her, the senators and the talking serpents in the Palace.

Returning the donations will not be an admission of wrongdoing, but an expression of disgust.

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LUISITA NOTES: Our last Postscript on the Supreme Court’s order for another referendum on the status of Hacienda Luisita farmers drew backgrounders from readers, like this one from Ara May Sanchez (below, slightly edited):

In her campaign speeches in 1986, Cory said, “We are determined to implement a genuine land reform program to enable beneficiaries to become self-reliant and prosperous farmers.”; “Land-to-the-tiller must become a reality, instead of an empty slogan.”; “You will probably ask me: Will I also apply it to my family’s Hacienda Luisita? My answer is yes.”

On Feb 22, 1987, farmers marched to Mendiola to demand genuine land reform. The march turned bloody when Marines fired at the crowd. Twelve farmers were killed and 19 injured in this incident now known as the Mendiola Massacre. In response, Cory issued PP 131 and EO 229 outlining her land reform program.

In 1988, Congress passed RA 6657 (Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Law) paving the way for the redistribution of agricultural lands to tenant-farmers. She inserted the Stock Distribution Option and issued EO 229 empowering her to preside over the Presidential Agrarian Reform Council that would approve stock distribution programs, including the one for Luisita.

Instead of land distribution, Hacienda Luisita reorganized itself into a corporation. Ownership was transferred to the corporation, which in turn gave shares of stock to farmers.

The issue of the Cojuangcos allegedly taking advantage of the powers of the presidency to circumvent land reform haunted Cory’s administration and fueled conflict in HL, climaxing in the violence in November 2004 that left seven people dead.

Noynoy is now given a chance to do what is right. He does not have a choice, he is involved. His family greatly benefitted from the 1957 deal subsidized by the people.

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ACQUISITION: When Cory married Ninoy Aquino in 1954, President Magsaysay was one of the sponsors. In 1957, Magsaysay talked to Ninoy of the possibility of his father-in-law (Jose Cojuangco Sr.) acquiring Central Azucarera de Tarlac and Hacienda Luisita from the Spaniards who wanted to sell because of the Huk rebellion and labor problems.

Cojuangco agreed and received preferential treatment and government assistance. He had to pay the Spaniards in dollars so he turned to Manufacturer’s Trust Co. in New York for a 10-year, $2.1-million loan. To ease the flow of foreign exchange for the loan, the Central Bank deposited part of the country’s international reserves with MTC, NY.

The Central Bank’s condition was for him to distribute the land to small farmers in line with Magsaysay’s social justice program. The same condition applied to his P7-million loan with GSIS. On April 8, 1958, the Cojuangcos became the new owner of the hacienda and the sugar mill.

The conditions set forth in 1957 required distribution of HL land to small farmers within 10 years (deadline 1967). The controversies that continue until now revolve around the Cojuangcos’ refusal to give up control.

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