The weak republic

In the city that spawned the anti-communist vigilante group Alsa Masa, politicians know the value of a mailed fist. It gets things done, and it wins votes.

People who are tired of violence and anarchy, who don’t like living in fear, go for politicians who can bring peace and order in their communities.

This is true not only in Davao City, where residents have rewarded retired cop Rodrigo Duterte with their blessings to establish a political dynasty, but also in other parts of the country, and even in national politics. Panfilo Lacson has found it a breeze to get himself elected to the Senate, despite  or maybe because of  being implicated in the execution of members of organized crime rings. So he “neutralizes” bad guys? Many Pinoys think he should neutralize more.

Problems arise only when “bad” becomes open to different interpretations. Who defines who’s bad enough to deserve summary execution, or to become a punching bag?

People who have gotten away with murder, literally, and are even rewarded with high office can find it increasingly hard to put on the brakes in their “neutralization” activities. When you become cop, judge and “punisher” (as Duterte is called) all at the same time, the potential for abuse of power rises exponentially.

I can see why a female mayor who knows how to throw a punch can be popular in Davao City, and why the beaming dad would say with pride that he had taught her well  like father, like daughter.

And if you were among the squatters whose shanties were being demolished on orders of Davao Judge Emmanuel Carpio, and enforced by sheriff Abe Andres, certainly you’d cheer loudest for “Inday Sara.”

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She’d get more cheers if she had gone after the judge instead of the sheriff, and if she had rained the blows without her bodyguards, cops included, holding down the target of her ire. It was, after all, Carpio who had rejected the mayor’s request to order a deferment of the demolition. But the mayor, even with her bodyguards, did not have the guts to lock horns with a judge, who is reportedly a relative of her husband. So she went after the defenseless small fry.

And so the public was treated to video footage of a government security detail acting as a mayor’s private army, chasing Andres after the mayor had punched him four times, and dragging him back to the raging mayor so she could pull his hair.

In law, the end does not justify the means, and beating up someone, especially with the help of bodyguards, is a criminal offense. If the mayor could behave that way on video, what is she capable of behind TV cameras?

Several fellow local government executives expressed understanding or outright support for Mayor Sara Duterte. I hope it’s not because they themselves would love to beat up those who dare go against their wish. Or because they want to give the finger to critics on national TV  something people do when they run out of intelligent arguments.

It may be an extreme example, but such tolerance for abuse of power surely was a major factor in the creation of the monsters responsible for the Maguindanao massacre.

Once public officials start believing they can do whatever they want, that they are accountable to no one and can play God, they can become capable of killing as they please. Many journalists and activists have been murdered as a result of this attitude among certain local politicians. One, two, 57 people… what difference does it make?

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The Ampatuan clan also ruled the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao with a mailed fist. And if elections are an accurate gauge, they apparently enjoyed immense popular support. Or maybe, with a lot of help from their iron fist, they had complete control over the ARMM voting system. National politicians courted the clan’s support, especially during elections, and the clan always delivered.

If previous reports on the clan were accurate, the Ampatuans also came to believe they were accountable to no one, that they were the rulers of an independent republic.

This attitude is not uncommon among many local executives, and the national government should start disabusing their minds about it. Local governments benefit from national funds, collected from taxpayers nationwide, so they must be accountable to the entire nation. They must uphold national laws, including those that require local governments and police to prevent squatting.

President Aquino, who thinks the country still needs paramilitary “force multipliers” on a case-to-case basis even after the Maguindanao massacre, must see to it that he is not creating new Ampatuans among his allies.

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The solution to squatting is not coddling informal settlers, but giving them decent shelter in areas where there are livelihood opportunities, education for their children, and basic services that will discourage them from seeking better opportunities in the cities.

In her unapologetic fit of rage, Duterte also slammed Judge Carpio for making numerous requests to the city government in the past. He got what he wanted; why couldn’t he return the favor? Carpio has not denied this.

Some foreign observers have asked why the city government gave in to the requests if they were improper in any way. But many Filipinos will understand and not even bother to ask why; such are the ways of politics and the judiciary in this weak republic.

The city government has also leaked information that the sheriff had a history of questionable zeal in carrying out his duties. If he is guilty of misbehavior, why is he still at his post?

What P-Noy, advocate of daang matuwid, should do now is to make sure every public official, his allies included, will understand that turning a defenseless man into a punching bag, especially with the help of bodyguards, is not okay under any circumstances.

Even if appropriate penalties are imposed over the punching incident, P-Noy need not worry that his allies might lose in the 2013 elections. By all indications, Davao City still loves the father-and-daughter tandem of the Dutertes.

With the Nograles clan among their political rivals, this is also understandable. In an imperfect world, in our weak republic, the choice often boils down to the lesser of two evils.