Arroyo ouster: Dead end?

The Interfaith Rally last Friday saw me brisk walking the streets of Makati almost like it was my protest rally. I was “contingent hopping” like every group sector of society were friends sharing the same cause. Actually, it did scare me for a bit of a moment. I had to slap my own face — in my head — and tell myself, “You’re covering this event, not participating in it, stupid”. Such is the constant dilemma of a radio commentator who is also a print columnist who is also a news program anchor who is also a field reporter. Past a certain age, and not to mention having seen two revolutions and presidential ousters, it is tough keeping your opinions to yourself and making sure reporting is reporting — not editorializing.

The emotion, even passion, of the participants could be infectious. It is understandable, to say the least. The anomalies the Arroyo administration has been reported to have commandeered, benefited from or allowed to benefit allies is infuriating, to say the least. Sure. To prove any or all of it in the courts may be uphill, to say the least. But to those who know who and how exactly all of it circumvent the law is just unacceptable — to say the least. And then I remember words of wisdom handed down throughout generations, “Don’t rely on your emotions alone.” I look around and I see that it is the same love for country, the same passion, anger, same faces —just older—, same banners, songs, prayers. But there were also many things different.

The figures are still conflicted. According to the PNP there were only 15 thousand last Friday. Bayan Muna estimated 80 thousand. It looked like a sea of people at the intersection of Paseo de Roxas and Ayala Avenue in Makati from the platform where I stood. Still, a far cry from 1986’s original People Power Revolution. First, someone was actually killed — Ninoy Aquino. Then, people power did result in a Revolutionary Government with Ramos, Enrile and Honasan paving the way. And Jaime Cardinal Sin spoke against Marcos. By 2001 the new Constitution, a fruit of 1986, already disallowed military intervention in civilian affairs. But former President Erap Estrada “resigned” — or so did Supreme Court Chief Justice and Associate Justice Art Panganiban think. Military top brass, cabinet members, the Church also abandoned Estrada. Vice President Gloria Arroyo resigned and was a most willing replacement. This makes 2001, also, a far cry from what Ayala Avenue looked like that day.

Maybe Bishop Ted Bacani is no Jaime Cardinal Sin. JIL’s Bro. Eddie Villanueva may be a square peg. Definitely, both churches are divided among themselves. Jun Lozada is no Ninoy Aquino. I had to say this because some have said that if Cory were to Marcos then Lozada is to Gloria Arroyo. The motivation from an assassinated hero is arguably a far cry from inspiration derived from a star witness to a deal who just happened to be the least guilty. The military top brass seem united backing the President. Even if it were true that lower ranking officers and soldiers are for GMAS’ ouster, an actual rebellion only promises bloodshed among members of the AFP. Even then, it would be logical to predict that Gloria Arroyo wouldn’t be the type to resign just because soldiers were dying on her account. Vice President Noli de Castro is still, by all appearances, with the President. He has consistently been one of her most reliable allies and a willing mascot whenever she needs a PR boost. The businessmen were in Ayala Avenue, but not all of them. The clergy and civil society were there, but not all of them. If anyone, it is the youth, the students who seem to be the most united and organized nationwide for this protest movement.

It keeps ringing in my ears, what journalist, professor and former Cory Media Bureau Organizer Elfren Cruz said in one of my Korina Today episodes: “In the absence of any institution, personality or legitimate political process standing up to make this change happen it is the threat of a military junta that remains.” Others would argue even a military junta would be farfetched. So what other remedies do constitutional parameters allow? (To be continued)