The calculated rise of Chiz Escudero, master of 'performative centrism'
A news analysis
MANILA, Philippines — Sen. Chiz Escudero has been in politics for nearly three decades, moving between local and national posts without a single break in service. How has he managed to stay relevant across five administrations?
In the words of governance specialist Gary Ador Dionisio, Chiz is a master of political survival, perfecting the art of staying in power. The key to it was how he postured himself as a “balanced” politician.
“For a time, marami naman mga politiko naging balanse (many politicians were balanced), because at the end of the day, they really wanted to survive as politicians,” he told Philstar.com in an interview.
“But Chiz Escudero is somehow different,” said Dionisio, dean of Benilde School of Diplomacy and Governance.
He no longer simply straddles the middle. Instead, he has become what Dionisio calls a “performative centrist,” someone who curates a balanced image through articulate language and a controlled display of intellect.
Dionisio also questioned whether Chiz could be considered a performative populist in the vein of Rodrigo Duterte, but said the comparison doesn’t hold. Chiz lacks the fiercely loyal support base, instead leaning on intellectual appeal and familiarity.
However, following the rules of performative centrism is more than just playing safe.
“It’s a politician appearing to be intellectually balanced at all costs, even when the balance comes at the expense of truth, justice or basic decency,” Dionisio said.
Built for politics
Even before he held his first public office, Chiz had already checked off many of the boxes of a political pedigree: an education at the University of the Philippines from grade school to law school, and a master’s degree from Georgetown Law Center in the United States.
The Escudero name was already a fixture in politics when Chiz entered the arena in 1998 as representative of Sorsogon’s first district, succeeding his father and serving three consecutive terms until 2007.
It runs in the family. His father, Salvador “Sonny” Escudero III, had earlier served as Minister of Agriculture and Food under the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos Sr.
Even after Chiz completed his time at the House of Representatives, the Escuderos held on to the seat. His father returned to the post from 2007 until his passing in 2012, after which his mother, Evelina Guevara-Escudero, took over and served three full terms from 2013 to 2022.
Their hold on the district continued with Chiz’s sister, Marie Bernadette Escudero, who succeeded their mother and has already served one term. She won reelection in 2025.
After serving three terms in the House, Chiz Escudero set his sights on the Senate, securing a seat in 2007.
Vice presidential bid. Nearly a decade later, he joined Sen. Grace Poe’s 2016 presidential ticket as her vice president. Though unsuccessful, Escudero remained in office, taking advantage of a provision in Philippine law that allows senators to run for higher office without resigning.
Losing to Leni Robredo was his only electoral defeat.
And when he became term-limited in 2019, Chiz followed in the footsteps of his great-grandfather Salvador Escudero Sr., who had served as governor of Sorsogon during the pre-war period and World War II.
Back in the Senate. After one term as governor, he returned to the national stage in 2022, reclaiming a Senate seat. By 2024, Chiz had taken control of the Senate, stepping in as president after Sen. Miguel Zubiri’s resignation.
Chiz’s political position, interestingly, also benefited from his marriage to entertainment and fashion icon Heart Evangelista, Dionisio said. Without dipping his finger into showbiz himself, he gained from its spotlight, with Heart adding a layer of glamour that broadened his appeal, softened his image and boosted his name recall among the public.
“So the longevity of Chief Escudero, I think, from the time that he attempted to become the representative and until today, … ‘yung kanyang political behavior is that he supports issues, very general, or general welfare,” Dionisio said.
“But if there's a political decision, he will put himself in the middle or in the center,” he added.
Where he stood in past admins
From the administrations of Joseph “Erap” Estrada and Benigno “Noynoy” Aquino III to Rodrigo Duterte and Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., Chiz has consistently positioned himself on the side of the administration.
Each brought different priorities, personalities and policies, even contradicting those of their predecessors. Yet Chiz remained aligned with the sitting president in every case except one — Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s.
According to Dionisio, this reflects Chiz’s ability to read political landscapes well. He knows where power is concentrated and adjusts himself accordingly to protect his place in government.
Estrada. Back in Estrada’s presidency, Chiz was one of the so-called “Bright Boys.” According to Dionisio, they were neophyte or first-term admin lawmakers whom Estrada saw as intelligent, articulate and politically promising.
Chiz stayed with the Arroyo administration after Estrada’s ouster in 2001, but when she formally ran and won her presidential bid in 2004, he broke away and became House Minority Leader.
Arroyo. The 2005 “Hello Garci” scandal and other bribery allegations fueled Chiz’s opposition to the Arroyo administration. He was among 51 lawmakers who pushed for her impeachment that year, though the effort failed.
When new complaints were filed in 2006, he backed them again, calling for accountability and opposing the late Rep. Edcel Lagman, who argued the complaints violated the one-year bar rule. This also did not pan out.
Chiz maintained his stance as part of the opposition. He placed second in the Senate race when he ran in 2007, alongside six other candidates part of the “General Opposition.”
As a new senator under Arroyo, Chiz challenged her on human rights issues and later sought a fact-finding probe into the Hello Garci scandal in 2011.
Aquino. When Aquino became president in 2010, Chiz largely supported his reform agenda, including anti-corruption and social development efforts. However, he opposed charter change initiatives, as he had under all administrations he served.
Duterte. During Duterte’s term, Chiz joined other senators in condemning the 2017 killing of Kian delos Santos and warning rogue cops that justice would catch up. Maintaining his image of balance, he also called for a probe into Amnesty International’s findings on extrajudicial killings in the drug war.
Duterte also considered Chiz a potential successor in 2018 when he mulled resignation, expressing distrust in former Vice President Leni Robredo whom Chiz lost to in the 2016 elections.
Marcos. In the 2022 elections, Sara Duterte endorsed him for his Senate comeback. He has since been aligned with the Marcos-Duterte administration for the most part, joining the majority bloc and defending Marcos from authoritarian tendency claims by Rodrigo Duterte.
With the Marcos-Duterte fallout, Vice President Sara’s impeachment and his Senate presidency on the line, however, Dionisio said Chiz is making strategic moves to keep the top Senate title — even if that means stretching the idea of “balance” beyond recognition.
“He is very good at calculating all political developments. From then [on], he will decide what is best for him,” he added.
At the Senate's helm
When Sara was impeached in February, Chiz held off on convening a special session to constitute the impeachment court for four months, citing election season as a consideration and that only the president could call a special session.
Although he initially gave a timeline, he backtracked after the 2025 midterm elections, saying the 19th Congress couldn’t “bind” the 20th Congress to act on the impeachment, which critics and analysts saw as punting the responsibility despite the Constitution saying the Senate must act “forthwith.”
The Duterte-aligned senators have been publicly opposing the impeachment, even moving to dismiss the proceedings altogether as senator-judges — a motion Chiz believes could be entertained. He argues the Senate has “no limits.”
RELATED: How the elections flipped Senate script on Sara Duterte's impeachment trial
“I think his ambition is really to take his presidency at all costs, even negotiating with the Duterte forces,” Dionisio said.
He clarified that while the five-member Duterte bloc can’t elect a Senate president on their own, they can influence the vote and bargain for key positions like finance or even the majority leadership, which typically sets the agenda.
“I think he’s playing his wild card. Meaning to say, he’s treading [carefully around] as many senators who could support him,” Dionisio said, explaining that the goal of performative centrism is “to survive the longest” by appeasing others.
However, the problem for politicians subscribing to this is the tendency to “lean toward anti-democratic forces and suppression of truth,” he said, all while keeping an exterior of intellect and moral correctness.
Dionisio said the next three years, leading up to the 2028 elections, will be critical for top officials, including Chiz, who will be finishing his term and eligible for reelection and other posts.
And with the Supreme Court ruling Sara's impeachment unconstitutional, some senators who delayed the trial now frame their hesitation as prudent restraint. The decision also comes with considerable precision, just two days before the 20th Congress convenes, as reports confirm Chiz's dominant position in the senate presidency race.
“So [the] Senate presidency will also make or break [the 2028 elections],” he said. “He can either save Sara or save Marcos as [Senate] president. So that’s very crucial.”
Whoever leads the Senate, Dioniso explained, can help define the race for 2028, using their platform to support a candidate to either back an admin bet, the Dutertes or a completely other aspirant.
“The mere fact that he survived, that’s a testament that he is good at making himself appear that he is for the common good,” Dionisio said. “But at the end of the day, he will side with what is the most powerful in a particular juncture.”
— with reports from Jean Mangaluz
This story was produced in collaboration with Probe Productions and Probe Archives, in partnership with The International Media Support. Editorial decisions were made independently by The Philstar.com newsroom.
- Latest
- Trending
























