From House drama to Cabinet exits: How elections set off gov’t shake-ups
A news analysis
MANILA, Philippines — While the Senate steals the show with a presidential tug-of-war amid the impeachment trial, the House of Representatives is also seeing its own political maneuvering, as new contenders have emerged to challenge the speakership.
The president’s cousin, House Speaker Martin Romualdez, already has the backing of 287 members — around 90% of the 20th Congress. So who’s bold enough to stir the pot?
Rep. Duke Frasco (Cebu, 5th District) served as a deputy speaker in the 19th Congress. He was a member of the National Unity Party (NUP) until he refused to endorse Romualdez’s continued speakership in the next Congress, leading to his expulsion.
After the 2025 midterm elections, a manifesto circulated among incoming lawmakers, seeking their signatures to pledge support for Romualdez to remain as House Speaker.
As of writing, 283 have reportedly signed the document, while 287 of the 317 expected House members have expressed their support.
Division claims. When Frasco publicly voiced his opposition, the NUP quickly expelled him. The deputy speaker argued that the current House leadership has caused more division than unity, signaling the need for change.
Rep. LRay Villafuerte (Camarines Sur, 2nd District), NUP’s president, contended that the party has unanimously supported Romualdez, accusing Frasco of being the one “sowing discord” within the coalition.
Now, Frasco isn’t just explaining why he no longer supports Romualdez’s speakership. He’s also pitching his name in the running.
This has raised questions not just about leadership challenges, but also about the nature of post-election power plays, which experts say usually happen.
'Last-ditch attempt'
Political scientist Cleve Arguelles said it’s no shock to see speakership battles following the elections or during “politically charged” moments like an impeachment.
Each Congress operates a three-year term, with House leaders elected by members during the first plenary session.
According to Arguelles, when “power moves” reach the floor, it typically means private negotiations and deal-making have already taken place “behind the scenes.”
“So when a Deputy Speaker publicly calls for a change, gets expelled by his own party, and clearly doesn’t have the numbers, it raises questions,” he told Philstar.com in an interview.
Although Frasco hasn’t explicitly declared a speakership bid, Arguelles said his actions and opposition so far don’t appear to reflect a serious leadership challenge.
Instead, it shows more of a “last-ditch attempt to gain traction through publicity,” he added.
Tiangco’s bid. The political analyst compared Frasco’s moves to those of Rep. Toby Tiangco (Navotas, Lone District), who served as campaign manager for the Alyansa slate.
When only half of the admin’s senatorial bets won, Tiangco tried to shift the blame to the House leadership’s endorsement of the impeachment complaint against Vice President Duterte.
He also said he’s willing and open to becoming the next House speaker if a leadership change happens, adding that he is “loyal” to Marcos and would not put the president in a difficult position.
House leaders were quick to defend the impeachment, arguing that the more than one-third vote did not hurt the reelection bids of most lawmakers who supported it.
“Such was the attempt, too, of Toby Tiangco to put the blame on Speaker Romualdez for the weak showing of Alyansa slate,” Arguelles said.
“But it also failed as quickly as Frasco's attempt. It appears that Speaker Romualdez still holds the affection of most House members,” he added.
Frasco, however, denied eyeing the speakership after sending earlier signals, saying he’d rather back Tiangco or Representative-elect Albee Benitez.
When Frasco 'floated' the speakership
In a June 22 statement, a news release coming from Frasco's office described joining President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. during a visit to the Philippine Pavilion at World Expo 2025 in Osaka, Japan, as a "high-profile" engagement that reflected his "strong rapport" with the administration. It characterizes him as a "rising figure" whose name is "being floated for the Speakership" in congressional circles.
Notably, Frasco is married to Tourism Secretary Christina Frasco, who joined Marcos and First Lady Liza Marcos on the same working visit.
Frasco raised no public objections to Romualdez’s leadership before the elections. He even joined 215 lawmakers in endorsing the impeachment complaint.
At a February 12 campaign event, however, Frasco said his decision to support the complaint was influenced in part by concern over potential consequences for his district’s budget if he voted against the majority.
Shiting alliances. Prior to the impeachment, Frasco had visible ties with the Dutertes. In 2018, he received Duterte’s endorsement and aligned himself with Hugpong ng Pagbabago, the regional party led by the vice president. Christina also previously served as Duterte’s spokesperson before becoming tourism secretary.
In recent months, Duterte has accused Romualdez of interfering with her agencies’ budgets, amid separate investigations into confidential fund spending. When the utilization of public funds came under investigation, she issued a death threat against him.
While once closely tied to the Dutertes, Frasco now appears to be repositioning himself closer to Marcos. He has argued that the House leadership is not fully in step with the president’s direction.
His criticisms were quickly met with backlash from his fellow deputy speakers. Deputy Speaker David “Jay-Jay” Suarez dismissed Frasco’s remarks by pointing to the strong majority support for Romualdez, proving preference for continuity.
Senior Deputy Speaker Aurelio “Dong” Gonzales also expressed confidence that Romualdez will retain the speakership in the 20th Congress.
The House speaker, like the Senate president, must be elected by a majority of all district and party-list representatives. Considering there are 317 seats, a candidate needs at least 159 votes to secure the post. The position is third in the presidential line of succession and could become pivotal if the vice presidency becomes vacant.
Cabinet reshuffle
Beyond Congress, the executive branch is undergoing changes of its own. Following underwhelming midterm results — only six administration Senate candidates won — President Marcos requested courtesy resignations from Cabinet members, presidential advisers and leaders of government-owned corporations.
The reorganization was aimed at retaining only the president's most trusted officials, observers said. For Arguelles, what Marcos did is a “classic post-midterm elections move of a president who underperformed.” He likened it to former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo's response to resignation calls after the “Hello Garci” electoral fraud scandal.
According to Arguelles, asking Cabinet officials to resign is a way for a president to regain control after losing ground.
“It allows the President to quietly remove underperformers, sideline officials with questionable loyalty — particularly Duterte allies — and elevate those who proved themselves during the campaign,” he said.
Marcos also recognized the election outcome as a clear message from the public, one that mirrors their priorities and sentiments. As he put it, Filipinos “expect results — not politics, not excuses.”
Arguelles said this is also a sign that the president heard the people’s disappointment in the midterm results.
“In this case, the publicity around the reshuffle is just as important as the reshuffle itself — it’s a carefully staged reset, both political and performative,” he added.
Realignments and leadership tussles like these are more than just noise. They show how power recalibrates in government after each election — quietly, publicly and sometimes both at once.
What happens after the midterms will reveal how Marcos intends to steer the second half of his presidency.
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