Church support key in RP population plan

( Second of a series ) ( Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism )

A study on Philippine population policies from 1969 to 2002 shows that is what has happened for most of the last three decades. According to the study’s author, Professor Alex Herrin of the UP School of Economics, the "persistent and consistent opposition of the Catholic Church hierarchy to the government population policy of reducing population growth as well as the promotion of artificial family planning methods" is the "single most important factor influencing population policy-making" in the last three decades."

In 1969, then President Ferdinand Marcos embarked on a policy to regulate population growth and reduce fertility rate with the goal of achieving economic development. A "clinic-based and contraceptive-oriented approach" was used. But even then, says Herrin, the program had its ups and downs as officials grappled with their Catholic consciences.

Marcos created the Popcom and appointed his National Economic and Development Authority (NEDA) chief Gerardo Sicat to head it. But Sicat was eventually replaced by Placido Mapa, who was a member of the ultraconservative Catholic group Opus Dei.

"During the brief period of time that Mapa was chairman of Popcom and theoretically in charge of population, support for the family planning program waned," says Romualdez. "His conscience did not allow him to advocate a government policy that would include the distribution of supplies for birth control."

Later, leadership of Popcom sifted to the Department of Social Welfare and Development, then headed by Sylvia Montes, who maintained a moderate family planning program.

When Corazon Aquino became president, her pro-Church stance on family planning was reflected in her choice of Dr. Mita Pardo de Tavera, a devout Catholic, as the DSWD secretary and Popcom head.

Herrin also observes, "In response to criticism – coming mainly from the Church – that the program was preoccupied with demographic targets, the government shifted emphasis to family welfare and development. While there was a strong fertility reduction objective during the Marcos era, there was none during the Aquino administration."

The policy shift was reflected in the Aquino government’s budget. From P120 million in 1983, the Popcom budget plunged to P56.8 million by the time Aquino left Malacañang in 1992. That budget went mainly to employees’ salaries. Herrin says that from 1986 to 1988, there was a "de facto squeeze on public spending on family planning services."

Romualdez says that then health secretary Alfredo Bengzon tried to re-establish a strong family program in 1989 but under tight time constraints. By then, Bengzon had less than two years left to his term and was also very busy with the RP-US bases talks.

The population program under the Ramos administration fared a little better despite the strong opposition of the Church. Herrin says the program even underwent a "redefinition from population control to population management."

Fidel Ramos, a Protestant, appointed Dr. Juan Flavier, a family planning advocate, to the Department of Health (DOH). Flavier managed to set aside some money for the purchase of birth control pills and other contraceptives. He even launched an anti-AIDS campaign that heavily featured condoms, which had Church leaders up in arms.

Ramos, however, "didn’t make any strong pronouncements (on family planning)," says Romualdez. "He didn’t go out of his way to antagonize the Church. He basically relied on his Cabinet to shield him from controversy."

Joseph Estrada apparently adopted the same "hands-off" tactic when he succeeded Ramos in July 1998, having no desire as well to upset the Church. But by leaving it up to his Cabinet secretaries to craft policies, Estrada almost became the first president to allocate a big amount for contraceptives.

Aborted purchase

Romualdez says that shortly before it was ousted in January 2001, the Estrada government had made a commitment to purchase P70 million worth of contraceptives in response to the USAID’s decision to scale down and eventually end its contraceptives donations. At the time, Romualdez says, "we were targeting reducing fertility rate from 3.7 to 2.1 by 2004" – a rate demographers had recommended to achieve zero population growth. Such a target could be met only by increasing contraceptive use.

But Estrada was ousted before the contract was signed. Current Health Secretary Manuel Dayrit says that the Arroyo government decided not to go through with the purchase because the President "did not want her administration to be identified with contraceptives."

He confirms that the government has no intention to buy contraceptives since, he reasons, there is "no shortage" because "the USAID will continue to donate." Dayrit also says this is why the government did not use the P100-million congressional insertion requested by Flavier in last year‘s budget for the purchase of contraceptives.

Yet Dayrit denies that the Arroyo administration has pushed the NFP to the detriment of other birth control choices. He says that the President has even risked the Church’s ire by using the terms "responsible parenthood" and "informed choices."

"When you say responsible parenthood, that is really aspirational," says Dayrit. "It says think about your family, the number of children you can afford to bring into this world, the quality of life and practice it." But, he also says, "it is silent on artificial contraceptives."

Last week, Dayrit announced that the government was discontinuing the promotion of the IUD, which it has classified as an abortifacient. (To be continued)